An initiative of the women, for the women, by the women! The summit will be first of its kind in the history of Women’s College Students’ Union (WCSU).

“The hand that rocks the cradle, the procreator, the mother of tomorrow, a woman shapes the destiny of civilization”. Talking about equality over a cup of coffee is no more a taboo. But its implementation is certainly opaque.

Our life and all of its associations, we’ll all agree, have a tendency to fall in a lull, pretty soon and pretty often. We’ll be productive a day, only for it to be followed by a week of idleness. We’ll have the most intellectually stimulating time for a while, only for it to be followed by a dwindle in all things intellectual the following days.

But the importance of spreading words to the world is always a concern. To spread such awareness and empower one another, Women’s College Students’ Union has taken an innovative and unprecedented step through organizing the Women Leadership Summit 2019.

Prior to this event, the fifth AMU Literary Festival highlighted the significance of Literature and Society; lectures by Nazia Erum (author), Sagarika Ghose (journalist) and many empowered women were conducive to look closely into the matter of women empowerment and we are here again with an amazing line-up of pertinent and refreshing discourse.

What women empowerment actually means is not deifying women, rather asking for equal rights and opportunities defying patriarchy. Women have so far been successful in raising their voice against gender inequality in the post-independence era, but there is still a long way to go till women no more seek validation from the male strata of society.

Equal political rights, economic rights, judicial strength are yet to be achieved completely. In this trying era that we’ve set foot in, we witness a dichotomy at play in regards to the status of women in this world; where one face of reality is the strewn bodies of women stripped off their consent and accord, violated to the core of their being-body and soul; beaten down to a pulp-physically, also their thoughts, their voices; grappling for an iota of confidence, and the flip side ushers us into a world of strong-headed women with their chin up and burning scaffolds of stereotypes to the ground and weakening the foundation of patriarchy in the society.

Women as social activists, presidents, artists, Olympians are a few to name, to believe in ourselves, spring into action and find our strengths, clamp the world in our “delicate” fists. It is likely to say that a woman does not become powerful and strong when she competes and defeats a man, it is anything but. She rises to power when she competes with her inhibitions, her shortcomings and strives to morph into a better and improved version of herself.

The summit will see women speakers from all over the country speaking on issues that matter and that need to be spoken of. The very first of its sort, boasting impressive palette of paramount and eminent female figures like Shyamolie Singh, Fatima Nafees, Teesta Setalvad, Vrinda Gover, Irena Akbar, Prof. Roop Rekha Verma and lastly Arundhati Roy.

This intriguing mix of unprecedented women leaders will grace the varsity from 26th till 28th of March. It will be an interaction with the empowered change makers of our society, getting a very close insight into their struggles, journey towards change and progress.

In this day and age of women, their stories would definitely strike a chord within all. This celebration of women power should not be missed for its unparalleled opportunity to be inspired, implored, to connect and engage with such exceptional leaders and open oneself to enlarge their worldview and percipience.

When we bring women together at events like these, women who are clearly advancing as leaders and women who have already achieved the desired shows that we are not alone. We get a chance to hear about the struggles of being a woman.

But to witness such a positive change where women are willing to communicate in order to help each other is definitely a lesson and motivation in itself. For the first in the history of AMU, Women’s college is here to paint a sky of limitless ambitions, requesting all to gather, get set and dream.

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Two years ago the University of Cape Town (UCT) “disinvited” Flemming Rose from giving its annual T.B. Davie Academic Freedom Lecture. Rose is the cultural editor of the Danish publication, Jyllands-Posten that depicted the Prophet Muhammad in cartoons.

The term disinvited was coined by the American-based Foundation for Individual Rights in Education. It refers to speakers who have been disinvited after being invited to speak at universities. Between 2000 and 2017, the foundation had found 192 incidents in which students or members of university staff had pushed for speakers to be disinvited.

In rescinding the invitation, UCT’s former vice-chancellor, Dr Max Price, invoked the language of “safe spaces” and asserted that bringing Rose to campus:

might retard rather than advance academic freedom on campus.

Last year the Stellenbosch University found itself in a similar situation when a group of Israeli scholars withdrew from a planned conference. They cited feelings of inhospitality and exclusion. In this instance, after meeting with the South African Jewish Board of Deputies, the university’s vice-chancellor, stated that:

As a research-intensive university of global significance, we continue to welcome academics from all over the world at Stellenbosch University -– including scholars from Israel -– and co-create excellent research with significant social and academic impact.

This conundrum is being faced by universities across the world. In 2017 a survey of 115 UK universities showed that 54% actively censored speech, 40% stifled speech through excessive regulation. Only 6% were deemed truly free, open places.

In Australia, the Institute of Public Affair’s Free Speech on Campus Audit 2017 showed that the majority of Australian universities limit the diversity of ideas on campus. For example, 34 out of the country’s 42 universities (81%) have policies and actions that are hostile to free speech on campus and seven (17%) have policies and actions that threaten free speech on campus. Only eight of Australia’s 42 universities (19%) have an explicit policy that protects intellectual freedom.

In principle, academic freedom infers that both staff and students at universities have the right to participate in intellectual engagement and debate, without fear of censorship. This right extends into speech, writing (textual or digital), without fear of reprisal.

In this sense, academic freedom is akin to the preservation of intellectual autonomy. Yet, as the two South African examples show, speakers being disinvited is not uncommon in South African universities.

We argue strongly against the practice in our latest book on free speech at universities. We do so on the grounds that disinvitation compromises the very idea of human engagement and deliberation. This is because the act of disinviting an individual, for whatever reason, is in itself an abandonment of freedom and speech.

It not only stifles any opportunity for engagement with difference or controversy, but it implies that academic freedom is the preserve of those who are in agreement. If we are all in agreement, then where is the debate, and new ways of thinking?

Academic freedom is necessary for democracy

Firstly, regulating hurtful speech without re-signifying it, that is creating opportunities where harmful speech is challenged and re-directed, can aggravate the volatility between groups that favour controversy – and those who oppose it.

If controversial speakers are denied opportunities to speak at universities, it can be claimed that their right to freedom of speech has been hampered. Universities need to guard against what the Times Higher Education refers to as becoming “hotbeds of left wing bias”, or “political monocultures”.

Universities can’t be considered “safe places” where controversial ideas of people are considered at odds with liberal and or radical voices and deserve to be stunted.

Secondly, when controversy is opened up, people have an opportunity to scrutinise the controversial statements and find ways to rebut dissenting and provocative claims. Regulating speech doesn’t imply that speakers of harmful speech merely abandon their views. It simply means that their views are left unchallenged, and undisrupted. We argue that this deepens the already inhumane and undignified actions of some people even further.

Contestation is important for democracy

Universities shouldn’t cultivate intolerance towards dissent. Rather they ought to instil in students and lecturers capacities to appreciate divergent views. Universities need to create the conditions and safe spaces for people to cross-over into the unfamiliar and the controversial. The implications at play here are not only in relation to the academic well-being of a university, they also affect our understanding of a democratic society.

The real question is: what kinds of students, and hence society, do universities want to produce? Students need to learn that the relationship between knowledge and power can be emancipatory. Intolerance and exclusion, for example, can only be allayed if people have access to knowledge.

Academic freedom, therefore, is not only about unconstrained speech. It is also about questioning peoples’ worldviews, so that they can consider other ways of thinking, and bring into contestation what’s familiar, known and readily accepted.

Nuraan Davids, Associate Professor of Philosophy of Education, Stellenbosch University and Yusef Waghid, Distinguished Professor of Philosophy of Education, Stellenbosch University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Header Image credits: iStock

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The literary festival of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) is unique in a way that it the first such festival of India being organized solely by the student community sans any corporate aid or sponsorship.

University Debating and Literary Club (UDLC) of AMU presents its 5th edition of AMU Literary Festival in March 2019.

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India has been assimilating the enigma of Sufism and its charm into her composite culture for centuries, and hence we have entire sub continent dotted with Sufi shrines promoting peace, tranquil, harmony and socio-cultural exchanges.

Nobody would ever find any difference among devotees at the Sufi shrines. What all could be found here is just faith, as pure as the morning mist. A faith to which belongs every visitor who steps here, a faith that is deeper than the oceans, dedicated, enchanting, ageless, timeless, palpable, gentle, submissive, and enduringly true.

Discriminations and differences of caste, creed, colour and religion crumble to dust in the courtyards of Sufi saints. Seekers embark on thousands of journeys from here to unknown distances, unknown to places unheard of, adding to the glory and legend of these courtyards where all are equal and all are same, what connects them all is the love for divinity and the charisma of the saints.

Amidst the woods of yet another North Indian district of Bulandshahr in the state of Uttar Pradesh, rests a Qadri Saint, who is revered by the locales as the spiritual heir of Sheikh Abdul Qadir Jilani (r.a.) (1077–1166) the founder of Qadiriyyah school of Sufism.

Not very far away from the suburbs of Aligarh, situated on the left bank of Kali Nadi or the Black River, lies Banneyr Shareef, a Sufi shrine in Bulandshahr district near the erstwhile prominent princely estate of Chattari. A thirty minute drive from the heart of Aligarh lands you straight into the heart of a Qadri Zawiya or the courtyard of Qadriyyah school of Sufism.

The abode of Hazrat Bahauddin Badrul Hind (r.a.), arrived in India during the last decade of 17th century, from Baghdad, the capital city of Iraq. He was the disciple of Hazrat Mustafa Baghdadi and migrated to India to spread teachings and messages of Qadriyyah school of thought of Sufism, the principal mystical approach of Islam.

The first Qadri saint in the Indian sub continent was Sultan Bahoo (r.a.)(1630-1691) who was once stationed in Delhi. A spiritual master of Qadriyyah tradition, he contributed greatly to the advancement of spiritual literature available in those times and made Sufism flourish in India.

After Hazrat Sultan Bahoo, Hazrat Bahauddin Badrul Hind has the honour of being the second Saint of Qadriyyah school of thought in India, his shrine at Banneyr Shareef is known as a spiritual asylum among the masses, the experiences here might send chills to many.

People who are believed to be possessed by djinns, spirits and ghosts are brought here for spiritual treatments, and such patients usually outnumber those who come here for seeking solace, the shrine was unnoticed for long until 1902, when the present structure of it was built by the followers of the Saint.

People who are believed to be under the supernatural influences swarm around the shrine on every Thursday for the Haziri, which is considered their summoning from the Saint himself. Those disappointed by the general medical practices for their ailments come here for superior healing in hope of cure and to no surprise of theirs and others as well, most of them have been cured, attributing the healing to the fame of shrine and the spiritual powers of Hazrat Bahauddin Badrul Hind (r.a.). Often the healing is believed to be a gift from the Saint but sometimes it’s mere the effect of an alluring pilgrimage to this place, that healing begins spontaneously.

Popular belief is that Hazrat Badrul Hind died four times during his lifespan of 750 years, each time, he was buried in a different site and in a different city. Once buried, he was mysteriously spotted at a different place and therefore it is believed that he has four burial sites spread from Sindh to Deccan.

It is thus believed that the last time he was buried at Banneyr Shareef near Chhatari. Although there are no official records of the lifetime of this great Sufi saint, his legend continues to exist through the spiritual descendants of him, who inherited this place through a chain of spiritual masters, yet there are some writings in Urdu like Hayat-e-Wali and Hayat-e-Qudsi which have him mentioned.

Those who have spiritual yearnings, regardless of being strong or subtle, if the dedication to seek solace is true, this is place could be a delight. Banneyr Shareef is the metropolis of ensnaring sacredness, a visit to the shrine is worth all calm one can think of, so as to touch divinity and experience transcendence.

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The tomb of Hazrat Shah Jamal adorns the skyline on Khair road; the adjacent localities received their name Shah Jamal from the Sufi saint unarguably, another very densely populated Muslim neighbourhood, Jamalpur has come up in the civil lines area, owing its name to Hazrat Shah Jamal.

Sufi shrines quintessentially create a cosmos around a saintly person in which solace seekers exist much like the revolving planets, which orbit around the sun, rarely crossing paths with each other. Then there are convergence and divergence over spiritual matters which are seemingly political, inclination and deviation which are largely philosophical.

But what surmounts these misnomers is the glory and sacredness attached to these citadels of veiled and unveiled charisma of Sufi saints. These shrines constitute a very significant part of the usual lives of orthodox Muslims, significantly influenced by tasawwuf or in other words, Sufism.  At present, when being Jamalpuri is more of an abuse than demonym in Aligarh, the name Shah Jamal means nothing more than a Muslim ghetto, while Jamalpur remains a frugal suburb of it, there is a need to look back and beyond.

On the west end of the city of Aligarh, lies a grove of graves, the central tomb houses the grave of a Sufi mendicant, Hazrat Shah Jamal Shamsul Arifeen (R.A.). Hazrat Shah Jamal was a Sufi saint of Chishti tradition, popularly known as Shamsul Arifeen meaning ‘the sun of piety’, because of this title he has been regarded the light of this town.

Spiritually inclined people of the city visit the shrine in the morning hours for reciting fateha for the saint, by doing so they seek blessings of the saint before they set off to face the world. Thursdays and Fridays are two important days when solace seekers throng the shrine making wishes and paying homage to the saint.

Hazrat Shah Jamal is among the first Sufis who settled at Aligarh, so he could be well credited as the fountainhead of Chishti tradition in this region of the country. He is also mentioned by Ibne Batuta in his book Travels of Ibne Batuta (Rihla), which holds him in high reverence in Aligarh and the areas nearby.

The tomb of Hazrat Shah Jamal adorns the skyline on Khair road; the adjacent localities received their name Shah Jamal from the Sufi saint unarguably, another very densely populated Muslim neighbourhood, Jamalpur has come up in the civil lines area, owing its name to Hazrat Shah Jamal.

The elevation of tomb puts before an amalgamation of ancient and modern building styles, going by the arches and engravings. It is built with red sandstone and is identifiable with the popular patterns of sultanate period having beautiful engravings in Arabic, most prominent of them being the sacred name of lord, ‘Allah’, engraved on all its arches. Besides the central tomb there are graves which tell a different story, upon a closer look, the scenery brings back to life the times which would have been.

The trail of these graves hints towards some ballistic aggression involving Muslims which could have probably taken place much before they began to settle down in the town. The sheikh community in Aligarh traces its lineage to Hazrat Shah Jamal, supporting their claim with a conviction that Hazrat Shah Jamal was a Tatar dervish who had Turco-Mongol origins.

He migrated to Aligarh and made this place his abode before the invasion of India by the Ghurids or Ghoris during the mid 12^th century. Although the reign of Ghoris was not long-lived, yet their slaves became the rulers of Indian sub-continent. Feeble and at the verge of collapse, Ghoris states managed to remain in power until the arrival of the Timurids, the conquests of Mohammed Ghori are believed to have laid the foundations of Muslim rule in India. Qutbu l-Din Aibak, a former slave or Mamluk of Ghori, became the first Sultan of Delhi, marking the beginning of the Delhi Sultanate.

Legend has it that Hazrat had predicted the invasion much before it actually happened, further referring this story to the mention of two disciples of the saint, who lost their lives in the battles that followed the invasion. Often attributed to the testimonies of two of his disciples whose graves are located in the Balai Qila area also known as Upper Fort, the miracles of Hazrat Shah Jamal have lived beyond life and times. One of those disciples was buried in the Mamu Bhanja locality of Aligarh town whilst the tomb of the other disciple overlooks the city, situated near the railway station, popularly known as Amba Aulia.

During the Ghori invasion, several other disciples died and their graves are spread all across the city, adding glory to the courtyards of Sufism. Most of these graves ushered as noted shrines as the times changed and were awarded endowments by the rulers and patrons of those times but due to the lacunae in handling the affairs of these spiritual citadels, the ilk of servants of these shrines fell prey to greed and misery and subsequently all the properties which were attached to these shrines today stands disposed of.

The shrine of Hazrat Shah Jamal is no exception to this ignorance; it has gotten into delirious condition and needs immediate attention. The central tomb has fallen into a ramshackle, having no real means of repair or rehabilitation and there seems to be almost no hope for it, as the grove of graves has condensed into a mere graveyard.

The unsubstantiated social stratification across the Muslim society has barely spared anyone as there remains a conflict of identities among the custodians of these spiritual centers, and for conflict like those to exist; there are more reasons than one. Considering the case of this 12th century shrine, the journey of inheritance has not been very smooth ever since the saint left for his heavenly abode. The later citizens of this insomniac town could not keep up with the spiritual legacy of Hazrat Shah Jamal Shamsul Arifeen (R.A.).

Initially the communities of weavers and artisans looked after the shrine, with their socio-economic progression and newly acquired status of theirs; they went up to overthrow the hereditary caretakers of the shrines, the traders and merchants. As a result the disagreements turned into resentment and over time it grew into a trench between these two communities so much so that they ended up having two parallel celebrations of Urs festivals.

Consequentially the shrine bore the brunt of these insignificant things in terms of the loss of identity and credit, while a comparatively newer shrine was rising to prominence. Also the drastic change in the spiritual obedience of the citizens of this town, in terms of ideologies, as a consistent assertion has been running through the beliefs and practices among the mutual coreligionists. Sufism has suffered irreparable losses due to such events of past and impact of those losses are imminent across the Muslim diasporas of the present day Aligarh.

It is a moment of introspection for every sensitive person that the shrine of a saint who is considered the king of beauty and piety rests in ruins and ignorance. Though the shrine needs patrons for its upheaval more than anything at the moment, yet it is a serenading retreat to have the candles and incense lit at the shrine of Hazrat Shah Jamal, adding more fragrance and the light to its ambience full of divinity, piety and enlightenment.

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“From complete ignorance of 70s to vague indifference of 80s to creeping curiosity of 90s to growing familiarity of the first decade to the inevitable acceptance of the second decade of the 21st century-the perception of ‘Chaath’ outside Bihar has undergone a complete metamorphosis.

Even within Bihar, it used to be a mostly localised affair before turning into a marker of Bihari cultural identity. How and why did this transformation come about?

Historically, Bihar has been bereft of an overarching and dominant great tradition in the cultural realm. Be it dance or music or art or architecture or painting or other cultural aspects, the scale was essentially local. This could mainly be attributed to the absence of princely states in Bihar who patronized culture elsewhere leading to cultural efflorescence.

The pathological impact of the permanent settlement meant the emergence of a hierarchy of exploitative zamindars who had neither the wherewithal nor the inclination to promote culture. Rent- seeking, brutal and philistine, it was beyond them to patronize culture.

In an era of increased interaction, exposure and migration, the absence of a great cultural tradition would become a sore point. Against this background, the festival of ‘ Chhath’ with its geo-cultural specificities moved to the fore as a reference point, a rallying point to emphasise on its uniqueness and a cultural marker of Bihari identity.

The transition was also facilitated by the Bihari migration, exodus and diaspora. Denied of a terra firma beneath their feet, often at the receiving end of manifest or subterranean xenophobia and often adrift in alien and alienating places, they would cling to their cultural- religious resources with tenacity. The observance of ‘Chhath festival with its demonstrative rituals sought to fulfil this need.

Migration and politics or vote-bank politics to be precise- go together. As our metropolises became demographically more and more diffuse and electoral politics became fiercer and as the traditionally decisive core constituency lost its mojo, it was only inevitable for cultural sensitivities of the migrants to be assaulted on the one hand but pandered to on the other hand. As the former has limitations in a democracy, the latter would gain traction. The increasing primacy being accorded to ‘Chhath’ could be understood in this context.

All the same, Hinduism is a god-hungry religion with multiplicity of ever increasing beliefs and rituals marking its existence. This explains cross- cultural exchanges. If the words about efficacy of a God or even a Godman spread around, the instinctive response is of acceptance and not resistance or rejection. It is as much true in the case of Sai Baba as Nirmal Baba. The same holds true for Chhath too. With insistence on the purity of observances and wish- fulfilling intimations, its appeal only gets magnified even for those who have had nothing to do with it.

The crystallization of Bihari identity around Chhath gained critical mass in the 90s. As Bihar remained politically adrift in the turbulent decade and as the jokes went around that Pakistan could take Kashmir but with Bihar as collateral liability, there would be inevitable closing of ranks. The festival of ‘Chhath’ with emphasis on community and togetherness of solidarity fulfilled this need.

And social media with its demonstrative effect, dissemination of news, views and images and popularization of exotica does the rest. As the non- Biharis wait anxiously for their Bihari friends to return with ‘thekua’ likening it to hard-sweet cake and even donuts, it becomes increasingly clear that the transformation of a little into a potentially great tradition is well underway.”

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Aligarh is mentioned as Sabzabad in the travelogues of 14th century traveller Ibn Batuta, sabz means green and abad refers to habitat place. It was later known as Koil during the 16th century India when emperor Akbar ruled the subcontinent and beyond.

Subsequently popularised by the name, Allygurh in the 18th century, when the French inhabitants of this mango grove colonnade ploughed its terrains. Once upon a time, the home to indigo planters from France and Britain, Aligarh rose to eminence during the 19^th century on world’s map.

From becoming the dreamland of Scindias, to the garrison of Perron and fortress of pride of the British, the story of Aligarh’s becoming has been imprinted on the casket of times, times which would never return but always remembered, lest we forget.

Aligarh has been a citadel of Sufism ever since it stepped in India during 12^th century, the doting shrines in the city confirms this premise, throwing their gates open to everyone. Sufism or the popular Islam in India has been welcoming followers of all religions and faith on the pedestal of humanity for it believes in a higher plane of consciousness where entire humanity is one.

By the rails in this sleepy town, sleeps a saint who saw it all and became an enclosure into the unseen but ecstatic past of a modern day smart city of north India. Hazrat Sayyid Tahabbul Husain, popularly known as Barchhi Bahadur, a 12th century Sufi saint, who was initiated into the Chishti order by Hazrat Sayyid Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki of Mehrauli, Delhi which had him into the company of Faridudduin Ganjshakar, the master of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya.

Chishti Sufi order has been the most popular Sufi school of thought across all the orders in India because of the phenomenal philanthropy done by its founder Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti of Ajmer. Chishti doctrine has many spiritual practices through which a solace seeker attempts to build a bridge between him and the supreme lord, qawwali is the most enigmatic experience amongst all those practices.

It has a celestial attraction which takes aback the listener to a state of trance and realise the ultimate truth and meaning of life, passing through the labyrinths of ecstasy and mysticism. Sufis are believed to be the persons who can experience something more complete, to whom death is a festival of annihilation into the eternal illume of the supreme. The Urs festival held at Sufi shrines supports the conviction that death is an occasion of rejoicing and being lost into the creator’s aurora forever.

Barchhi Bahadur used to carry a spear with him which gave him the name by which he has been popularly known to the present day. The erstwhile town of Koil wasn’t densely populated until the French made this town an important garrison for multiplying their arsenal, eventually British took over this town during the siege of Allygurh and began the developmental work in and around the town.

It was the time when they were laying down the rail track that they encountered a situation that was incomprehensible, the track laying process had partially damaged the shrine of Barchhi Bahadur. It was then believed to have angered the saint, tired with their efforts they consulted the elderly and the clergy, who advised them to not to do any damage to the shrine and get the repairs done immediately.

The British engineers followed the advice and got the shrine repaired, following which the track was successfully laid. The city then began swarming around the saint’s courtyard and in early 19th century, Hazrat Zorar Husain alias Zorar Shah, a noble from Aligarh visited the shrine and meditated therein.

During the much asserted spiritual dialogue between him and the Saint, he found a talisman which transformed the shrine on the outskirts of the city into an ever evolving centre stage of spiritual retreat. The Urs of Barchhi Bahadur is an annual event observed with great zeal and festive fervour and the ambience of the shrine is inexplicably divine.

With years passing by the popularity of Barchhi Bahadur has grown many folds and intrigues every passerby with its enchanting and enigmatic pull.

Legend has it that when the master of Barchhi Bahadur, Hazrat Khwaja Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki was nearing his annihilation into the supreme master, so he made a will which had some conditions, it  was then read publicly after Khwaja passed away.

The will emphasised that the Janazah prayers would only be performed by the person who has done no haraam in his life and has never left the sunnah of asr prayers. The teary eyed sultan of Delhi, Iltutmish came out of the congregation, saying that,  “I never wanted to reveal myself to anybody but the will of Khwaja Bakhtiyar Kaki wants so”. Barchhi Bahadur was favourite disciple of Khwaja, so he was made the prime spiritual guide for the Mamluk Sultanate of Delhi.

Iltutmish and Barchhi Bahadur epitaphed their affection onto the times by spearheading the construction of Qutub Minar in Delhi, honouring their spiritual master by naming it after him.

So it could be correctly said about the saint that he once ruled India, though this reign was not political but spiritual. The reason that his story must be told is that amidst changing lifestyles of modern civilisation, religiosity is fading and spirituality is blooming. The shrine of Barchhi Bahadur is the perfect example of India’s composite culture as evident from the multicultural attendance of solace seekers from near and far.

Two of my personal experiences have inspired me to pen down this ode to yet another star of Chishti constellation. The first being a close friend whose father stopped his mother from paying homage to the saint as they came from another sect, following by his father’s  illness which wasn’t treatable and then his mother asked his father for repentance. My friend’s father went to the shrine and offered apologetically repentance and with that he walked home healthy.

Another memoir is from a college senior whose non-Muslim family living in Punjab asked him to visit Barchhi Bahadur without a miss to convey their Salaam, while he was visiting me in Aligarh. Dotted extravagantly by spiritual pilgrims on Thursdays, this Chishti shrine serves as a refuge from the chaos of everyday life, and in the quiet of a person’s singularity enlightens him to a new dimensions of being and not being.

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“A great man is a torch in the darkness, a beacon in superstition’s night, an inspiration and a prophecy. (Robert G. Ingersoll)

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) is the founder of an educational institution, but this does not end here. He was, in real sense a catalyst for reconstruction of his community, an advocate of rationalism, and a pioneer of modern education.

Post 1857, his concern was not restricted only to subvert misconceptions related to the role of Muslims or build an educational institution. He genuinely attempted to prepare a road map which could help his coreligionists in coping with the challenges they were facing, and also serve as a vade-mecum in future. His notion of modernity held clear view of progressivism and not anti-religious idea.

Also, some historians note that Indian society at that time rigorously held traditionalism and the revolt was a sudden shift; for instance, British historian Percival Spear writes,

‘It is in fact an anachronism to describe the mutiny as the first essay towards modern independence. It was rather in its political aspect, the last effort of the old conservative Indians.’  

Sir Syed believed such approach would disturb onrushing of people to development and urged them to embrace modern scientific education. He was a social reformer, thinker, educationist and journalist. Eminent literary critic Shafey Kidwai calls him,

‘first renaissance Indian Muslim of the 19^th century and one of the prime movers of modern, secular and democratic India.’

Born in a prominent family, Sir Syed’s forefathers would earn much respect from the rulers and also common people. He had much more than the basic amenities of life, but he chose to spend his life in reforming the suppressed section of the society irrespective of their caste, class and religion.

There are occasions where Syed Ahmad strongly criticized discrimination on grounds of caste. For instances, while evaluating Sir Syed’s standpoint on Muslims belonging to lower classes, noted historian Mohammad Sajjad observes that he may not have opposed caste-ism directly but he did not prohibit anyone from entering the then MAO college and it should be noted that a number of those enrolled were ‘low born.’ Sajjad says,

‘When he (Sir Syed) started a school at Moradabad, he made a breakthrough by asking a relevant class of Hindus and Muslims to discontinue the practice of domiciliary education and take recourse to public schools. This was a big step for the age asking all to sit together in a school classroom.’

Moreover, adds Sajjad,

‘When he debated a report on Muslim education (1872), he strongly disagreed with those who talked of excluding the “low born” from the proposed college. He made an elaborate argument that the rule of law and notion of justice disapproved such social exclusion,’.

So, viewing his efforts through skeptical lenses is nonetheless an honest attempt to misunderstand him.

It was the period when Raja Ram Mohan Roy worked to incorporate human reason and modern western thought and Swami Dayanand used rational approach to interpret Vedas, Sir Syed strived to redeem the shares of his community in one hand, and strengthen multiculturalism and unity among the people of different religion.

Faizan Mustaf, renowned jurist and Vice Chancellor of NALSAR, Hyderabad, highlights the rationale of establishing MAO College where Sir Syed said,

‘I shall feel sorry if anybody thinks this college has been established so as to show discrimination between Hindus and Muslims. The main reason behind the establishment of this institution ….was the wretched dependence of Muslims……Their religious fanaticism did not let them avail the educational facilities provided by the government schools and colleges. It was therefore deemed necessary to make some special arrangement for their education.’

On another occasion, while focusing the aim of the college, Sir Syed said; and author of Aligarh’s First Generation David Lelyveld notes that,

‘is to form a class of persons, Mohammadan in religion, Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinion and in intellect.’

In the Discovery of India, Jawahar Lal Nehru describes Sir Syed as,

‘an ardent reformer who wanted to reconcile modern scientific thought with religion by rationalistic interpretations and not by attacking the basic belief. He was anxious to push new education He was in no way communally separatist. Repeatedly he emphasized that religious differences should have no political as national significance.’

The purpose behind quoting all such perspectives is to show why AMU’s nationalism should not be questioned, that has undoubtedly become a political trend in last few years. Sometimes a portrait tries to malign its reputation, or its students become targets of extremist and totalitarian agenda; and now some of them are booked under sedition because of the region they belong to- all these attempts need to be observed insightfully and then only one can understand these are nothing but orchestrated attack on a institution that is a testimony to the secular and democratic character of India.

Furthermore, Sir Syed found journalism as the best tool to reawaken his community. Therefore, he started Aligarh Institute Gazette and Tehzeeb-ul-Akhlaq. This prominent journalist of his time introduced ‘progressive journalism’ and used his intellectual skills to educate and enlighten people.

Sir Syed’s journalism appears to have three fundamental objectives. First, to subvert misconceptions related to the participation of Muslims in the revolt (Loyal Mohammadans of India); second, to educate people about the importance of modern education and science; and third, to promote freedom of speech.

Throughout his writings, besides informative and enlightening pieces, one can find numerous examples where he was against colonial rulers and religious extremists. There is barely any doubt in the fact that he praised the officials but also criticized them very strongly when required. Thus, this founder of media ethics holds an in-depth message for those in the field today- dancing to the government’s tune.

When Sir Syed began working, social and educational reforms were the need of the hour, and even today if we look at the crisis Muslims are facing today, we require an approach similar to Sir Syed’s- and zeal as he exhibited. Today, in an era of aggressive nationalism, we need to deliver the true interpretation of his teachings.

Author is research fellow at the Centre of Women Studies, AMU. He has served the University Literary Club as the Secretary. 

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नरेन्द्र मोदी ख़ुद को मुसलमानों का हितैषी साबित करने के लिए भाँति-भाँति के जतन करते नज़र आते हैं। कभी वे ट्रिपल तलाक़ के विरोध में बोलते हैं तो कभी वे और उनकी पार्टी मदरसों में आधुनिक व वैज्ञानिक शिक्षा की वकालत करते दिखायी पड़ते हैं।

हाल ही में उत्तर प्रदेश में योगी सरकार ने भी मदरसा आधुनिकीकरण के नाम पर मदरसों में बच्चों को कुर्ता-पैजामा न पहनने के निर्देश जारी किये हैं। लेकिन इन खोखले दावों के पीछे छिपी सच्चाई देखते ही उनकी मंशा पर सवाल उठने लगते हैं। मिसाल के लिए मदरसों के आधुनिकीकरण के सवाल को ही ले लेते हैं।

वैसे तो पिछले कुछ दशकों के दौरान मदरसों के आधुनिकीकरण की बातें सभी सरकारें करती आयी हैं, लेकिन मोदी सरकार के प्रवक्ता इस पर अतिशय ज़ोर देते दिखायी पड़ते हैं। हिन्दुत्ववादियों के मुँह से मुसलमानों की तरक़्क़ी और बेहतरी की बातें सुनना विडम्बनापूर्ण लग सकता है, परन्तु इस जुबानी जमा ख़र्च की बजाय मदरसा आधुनिकीकरण स्कीम की वास्तविकता जानने के बाद यह स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि इस स्कीम पर ज़ोर देने की वजह हिन्दुत्ववादियों का हृदय परिवर्तन नहीं बल्कि समाज में मुस्लिम-विरोधी सोच और नफ़रत फैलाने की घिनौनी साजि़श है।

अगर मोदी सरकार वाक़ई मदरसों में आधुनिक व वैज्ञानिक शिक्षा सुनिश्चित करने के लिए प्रतिबद्ध होती तो वह मदरसों में हिन्दी, अंग्रेज़ी, गणित, कम्प्यूटर और विज्ञान जैसे विषयों को पढ़ाने के लिए नये शिक्षकों की भर्ती करती। परन्तु नये शिक्षकों को भर्ती करना तो दूर उत्तर प्रदेश, उत्तराखण्ड, झारखण्ड सहित 16 राज्यों में मदरसों में आधुनिक व वैज्ञानिक शिक्षा प्रदान करने के लिए नियुक्त किए गये करीब 50 हज़ार शिक्षकों को पिछले 2 सालों से केन्द्र सरकार ने कोई वेतन या मानदेय ही नहीं दिया है।

ग़ौरतलब है कि मदरसों में पढ़ाने वाले ये शिक्षक केन्द्रीय मानव संसाधन विकास मन्त्रालय की ‘स्कीम फ़ॉर प्रोवाइडिंग क्वालिटी एजुकेशन इन मदरसा (एसपीक्यूईएम)’ के तहत पंजीकृत हैं। वर्ष 2008-09 से शुरू इस स्कीम में शिक्षकों को मदरसों में आधुनिक शिक्षा प्रदान करने के लिए भर्ती किया गया था। इस स्कीम के तहत ग्रेजुएट शिक्षकों को 6 हज़ार रुपये और पोस्ट ग्रेजुएट शिक्षकों को 12000 रुपये केन्द्र सरकार की ओर से देने की योजना थी जो उनके वेतन का 75 से 80 फ़ीसदी हिस्सा है। शेष राशि राज्य सरकारों को वहन करना था।

लेकिन दो साल से केन्द्र सरकार की ओर से कोई वेतन न मिलने की सूरत में ये शिक्षक नौकरी छोड़कर कोई दूसरा काम करने पर मजबूर हो रहे हैं। यही नहीं केन्द्र की राजग सरकार ने आते ही मदरसा आधुनिकीकरण योजना के तहत आबण्टित राशि को 340 करोड़ से घटाकर 120 करोड़ कर दिया।

हाल ही में सरकार ने इस योजना को सर्वशिक्षा अभियान से जोड़ते हुए इसका नाम ‘एसपीईएमएम’ रखा है जिसे वर्ष 2018-19 से लागू करने की योजना है। परन्तु मदरसा शिक्षक अभी भी सशंकित हैं क्योंकि इस नयी स्कीम में पिछले तीन साल के बकाया मानदेय का कोई जि़क्र नहीं है। केन्द्र के अतिरिक्त भाजपा शासित राज्यों में भी मदरसों व मुस्लिम कल्याण के लिए दी जाने वाली धनराशि में कटौती का ऐलान किया है।

उपरोक्त तथ्यों की रोशनी में यह समझना मुश्किल नहीं है कि मोदी सरकार के प्रवक्ताओं द्वारा मदरसों के आधुनिकीकरण पर ज़ोर देना जुबानी जमा ख़र्च से अधिक कुछ नहीं है। सच तो यह है कि सच्चर कमेटी की रिपोर्ट के अनुसार केवल 4 प्रतिशत मुस्लिम बच्चे ही मदरसों में शिक्षा ग्रहण करते हैं। मदरसों में जो बच्चे शिक्षा ग्रहण करते हैं, उनमें से ज़्यादातर ग़रीबों के ही बच्चे होते हैं, क्योंकि अधिकांश मुस्लिम मोहल्लों में सरकारी स्कूल बहुत कम होते हैं और निजी स्कूल बहुत महँगे होते हैं।

ऐसे में यदि कोई सरकार शिक्षा को धर्म की जकड़बन्दी से मुक्त करके वैज्ञानिक पद्धति से शिक्षा प्रदान करने के प्रति प्रतिबद्ध है तो उसे सबसे पहले ऐसे मुस्लिम बाहुल्य मोहल्लों में सरकारी स्कूल खोलने चाहिए, जहाँ स्कूलों की संख्या बेहद कम है। लेकिन नये स्कूल खोलना तो दूर, सरकार मदरसों में वैज्ञानिक व आधुनिक शिक्षा प्रदान करने के लिए नियुक्त शिक्षकों को ही वेतन या मानदेय नहीं दे रही है।

संघ परिवार पिछले कई दशकों से लगातार यह दुष्प्रचार करता आया है कि मदरसों में इस्लाम की शिक्षा-दीक्षा देने की वजह से मुस्लिम समाज से आतंकवादी पैदा हो रहे हैं। आतंकवाद की जटिल समस्या को उसकी सामाजिक-आर्थिक पृष्ठभूमि से काटकर महज़ एक धर्म-विशेष और उसकी शिक्षा पद्धति पर अपचयित कर देने के पीछे संघ परिवार की ज़हरीली फासीवादी विचारधारा काम करती है।

सरस्वती शिशु मन्दिरों सहित संघ द्वारा संचालित तमाम संस्थाओं में हिन्दू धर्म की तमाम दकियानूसी एवं अवैज्ञानिक प्रथाओं और रीति-रिवाज़ों को बेशर्मी से बढ़ावा देने वाले और उनका बचाव करने वाले संघी कूपमण्डूक मुस्लिम समाज की प्रथाओं की बात करते समय एकाएक ख़ुद को प्रगतिशील दिखाने का बेशर्मी भरा पाखण्ड करते हैं। लेकिन जैसाकि ऊपर दिखाया गया है, सच्चाई उनके इस पाखण्ड को तार-तार कर देती है।

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